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The context of world history as a whole backdrops the
modern turning point. Turning point with respect to what? And, what is the force
that can turn anything? We can turn in circles, or, perhaps what we intend from
the term, ratchet beyond return to a new stage, or plateau, of becoming that
leaves ambiguous the continuous field of initiative, the individual’s sense of
his own options. And we are driven to equivocate these ‘turning points’ as acts
of political will, technological liberation, or the tides of economy to end with
a myth, philosophy, or science of instantaneous historical forces whose leverage
remains mysterious, amidst much hue and cry as the conservative protests than
the ‘old order’ is being undone, that the signs of progress are those of
decline. We are going to turn this idea into one of an ‘eonic transition’ in a larger system.
The riddle of the modern is easy to resolve, if we zoom
out, and we need to move backwards toward antiquity to find the relations of
eras among themselves. Then, we will see that world history falls naturally into
three massive clusters, seen in three turning points, equally spaced, and
echoing each other, with a very ingenious placement of successive eras. This is
an empirical fact, to which we will try to bring some elements of theory. It is
our conjecture that these are connected. A close look here shows the simplest of
hidden dynamics. What about the middles? That will be the fascinating part. We
will create an exercise about ‘fourth turning’ to challenge this claim, or least
to try. That in itself corresponds to ‘free action’, attempting to buck the
trend, against the transition areas showing ‘eonic determination’.
???
TP1 the ‘birth of
civilization
’,
TP2 the rise of the
classical civilizations, the Axial period,
TP3 the onset of the
modern world,
???
We tend to dislike lists that don’t connect with
primordial beginnings, but this one simply starts arbitrarily, with the
appearance of writing. It is not hard to show that these three turning points
alone are fundamental to world history, but the point should not, and could not,
be dogmatic. Even if you were a defender of TP3, ideologically, you would have a
hard time specifying, or replicating, the vast scale of this historical change
in direction. The period 1500 to 1800 shows a massive relative transformation,
and we see the context of the rise of the modern. The circumstantial evidence in
general shows us a ‘driven character’ to the sources of much of what we call
civilization. We call this ‘eonic determination’. The factor of ‘eonic
determination’, or jump-starting, does its work, then seems to switch off, and
the results pass into ‘free action’, in our phrase, and the outcome is not
certain. It is insulting, but free action, so far, has a poor record. Take
slavery. The modern system almost didn’t make it here. Abolition waits and
waits, as slavery gets worse, then suddenly abolition appears precisely in the
generation of the modern Enlightenment. Chance?
Note: A three-century interval Note how the scale
changes as we describe TP3. We see already a transition, with a divide, and we
are inside this new period, two centuries downfield, inside its action,
sequentially dependent on its effects. Can we spot this more exact structure in
antiquity also? All of our turning points are unique, and we can’t expect to
transfer the structure of modernism to the ancient case, and yet that’s just
what we can do, up to a point, keeping in mind the dangers of overly exact
correspondences. Not too hard to find at all, if we look for a rough divide in
the Axial period, around the time of Solon
or the Exile. That would be the point at
which things stop turning and begin a new era. It is easy to spot this rough
division if we look at. That would suggest that the three centuries before –600
should demonstrate a seminal gestation period. And that’s exactly what we see,
although the term ‘gestation’ is just right, almost like seeds before sprouting.
The gestation of the early Greek Archaic, for instance, in the period before
even Homer in the eighth century is less visible to us now. And the case of
India is less focused. But once we take it this way the Old Testament falls into
our lap like a charm, as an unwitting account of such a transition, with things
tacked on at the beginning and end.
In general, however, our idea of fuzzy turning points is
enough. This closer analysis of three-century divides is an extra for our
analysis, and can be taken as a rough butterfly net, or statistical probability
region. The degree of concordance for such a disorganized and fuzzy system is
too great to be chance.
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