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It is hard, in fact, impossible, to think of any other explanation than
that of the eonic effect, for what is bequeathed to us by the redactors of the
Old Testament, who, incidentally, lived long after the events they purported to
describe. It is the eonic ‘smoking gun’, for behind its account, however we
reconstruct historical incidents from its account, lies an implicit straddling
of the period -900 to -600, with a particular intensity in the period between
-750 and afterward, an eonic Bull’s eye, and indirect evidence that stands on
its own irregardless of the complete facts.
In A History of Prophecy in Israel, Joseph
Blenkinsopp calls the sixth century B.C. one of the great turning points in
human history and describes the period as ‘between the old order and the new’,
noting the concordant symphony of religious evolution in Zoroastrianism, Buddhism, Confucianism, and
Judaism, with its sudden and intense white streak of prophets. Blenkinsopp
grapples with the history of Israelite prophecy, the period from Amos to Second
Isaiah preceded by a primitive phase, and a later ‘drying up’, that his account
hopes to ‘straighten out’.[i]
In Exile and Restoration,
Peter Ackroyd notes the synchronous
phenomenon:
It has long been realized that the sixth
century BC was an epoch in which a variety of important events took place, not
only within the more limited field of Old Testament history, nor even within the
confines of near Eastern civilization, but throughout the world. It is the
century of Confucius, of Zoroaster, of Buddha. It is also the century of the
Ionian philosophers. For the biblical scholar it is the century of Jeremiah,
Ezekiel, Deutero-Isaiah…[ii]
‘It has long been realized …’ But the implications are
little considered by theologians unsure how to deal with the phenomenon of
parallelism. This is an era that is almost by definition interpreted in terms of
the foundations of our traditions, and entailed as a period of exclusive
interest against all others, although if we look closely we will notice its
resemblance not only to our modern period, but also to the period of the birth
of civilization itself. The sudden appearance of new civilizations from
trickling streams and runway cultures at a smaller scale morphing precipitously
as they cross the period from -900 to -600 should be the clue to seeing that
something is happening in a purely periodic fashion, and that the explosion of
‘axial’ valuation is simply the mystery of cyclicity and progressive creativity,
not of revelation.
All of these theological accounts, so distracted by the
apparatus of transcendentalism, seem to have lost the simplest of explanations
behind the basic phenomenon, a small Canaanite kingdom giving birth to the core
‘kingdom of God’ concept (not quite its later meaning) as a righteous society in
relation to national liberation in a field of empire and domination, and
internal divisions of class. Does this sound familiar? How will we exempt modern
revolution from such transcendental glamour?
The concern of the Prophet
s for social justice, their appearance, timing, and marginality, is the eonic
context that drives the future to historicize the sacred in the inherent enigma
of evolutionary emergentism, a spectral variant of the basic freedom dynamic,
cast between the Greek version, and the Indian.
Let us correlate this with the isomorphic case of Greece:
1. We see the early stream history of various Canaanite
peoples.
2. Through the veil of the myths of the Old Testament, some
obvious facts emerge, of the influence of the Mesopotamian and Egyptian
diffusion fields, e.g. the diffusion field of Egypt and the transparent tales of
interaction, in the Mosaic myths. We see an obvious case resembling the
Mycenaean, a sequence field dependency in the period, to whatever degree
mythical, of David, Solomon, etc… This period tends to throw us off track since
it is like the Iliadic tales of the Greeks, passing into tribal epic.
3. The t-stream intersecting with eonic sequence, and a
camel stop in Canaan is transformed into a core oikoumene generator.
4. By -400 the new tradition has crystallized and like a
cloud ready to produce a thunderstorm (new downfield mideonic religions) is
moving toward the greater field of civilizations falling apart and reforming in
the transition from Assyria to the Roman Empire.
As noted, our Axial spectrum stretches efficiently across
the whole of Eurasia. There is perhaps more than we have indicated. But we can
espy the strategy and select a core emergent field from each area, Rome to
China, and thus do what our eonic system does. So our middle transition here is
really the whole zone of the Mesopotamian and Egyptian diffusion fields left
over from the prior cycle. Yet it is a fact that the tiny world of the
Israelites moves to resolve the crisis of civilization in the Middle East.
We must remember here that the Old Testament documents
postdate the period, and are not clear in what they are describing, and have
already forgotten the exact details. It is not our business here to do anything
more than lay out the rough boundaries of an enigma. We must suspect the
simplest explanation, a transition like the rest. We don’t know exactly what
happened, although we know enough to see the prophets appear in a moment of
maximum cyclical intensity, along with their parallel brethren.[iii]
In India, we see a city state phenomenon emerge in a way that is reminiscent
of Greece, with a religious emergence that will produce the Upanishadic and then
the Buddhist and Jain religions in a broad resemblance to Israel, and yet a
clear intermediate resemblance to Greece, as the categories of philosophy blend
into religion. We must be careful here, due to the lack of detail, to remind
ourselves of the demand to produce a relative transform, not just a standard
religious account. But this is obvious, although out of focus. Buddhism is one
with, yet stands out against, the ‘temporal stream’ or Indian religion. Behind
this lies a great sweep of interacting activity stretching across Eurasia, and
whose particulars should probably include the Phoenician world of Carthage, the
earliest period of the Etruscans and Rome, and the effect created by ‘network’
culture across the Mediterranean, in the rising diaspora to come of the Jews,
and the Greek colonization that spreads its influence across a seeded oikoumene.
The era of the Prophets is confusing, in part
because we only have the description given by men whose views, frozen in time,
are those of the period in question. We have no independent, multiple referents,
as we do in the period of Greece
. But in each case we have a line of ‘pearl
stringers’, the Greek philosophers, the Chinese sages, the Indians of the
Upanishadic era. In Israel
we see this strange play on prophecy, whose
anthropological particulars are not at first clear to us.
Israel is the land beyond the land that disappears into
other empires, the land that wins no Battle of Marathon, and yet endures, and is
driven to its great bifurcating destiny of the Judaic network, the underground
stream that will burrow into every city of the Roman Empire, after which the
Christian ‘islam’ that will rise to the crown of kingdom itself, in the great
ecumenization, carried forth again in the legacy of Mohammed. It is a field that
is conservative, carries the great Temple tradition of the Mesopotamian
tradition beyond the turbulent moment of transition. It is a field that is
radical, giving birth to the primordial version of the Revolution, as national
liberation, redemption, and social equalization, and breaking forth in the
figure of Jesus, so carefully covered over with hieratic mythology.
Even as we move to an austere account of the transition, we
are forced to step backwards into some part of the deep confusion that always
attends consideration of the era of the Prophets. As we summon up the distinct
processes of discrete-continuous action, we find by the nature of our terms the
era of transition to express potential relative to unrealized futures, which
leaves us with a system that gives the impression of anticipatory action. It is
most apt, and very apt to induce confusion, that we should see a white streak of
prophets cresting on the divide. This was later to produce a great confusion in
those, such as the Christians, who considered that this foretold their coming.
We can simply fall back on the dynamics of our fundamental unit, to see that our
system is moving toward a greater oikoumene, in a subtle play on the idea of the
State, as a fulfillment and challenge to this very State. As the case of
Christianity and Islam show, the outcome ‘predicted’ was open to multiple
realizations. Seeing this as foretold is easily made into a myth. We can
understand this if we look at how the modern transition tends to a similar sense
of anticipation in its projection of a new future.
Note: A system transform? It is worth comparing the
Old Testament core period with the modern transition, starting with the
Reformation, and proceeding to the Enlightenment, without confusing the
different stages of culture. There is a strong resemblance, but only in overall
structure, as a relative transform process. And we should note that we confuse
the final outcome of the Old Testament period with the earlier material,
vestigial and still embedded in the account, from Canaanite religion, as the
later stage is applied backwards anachronistically. In the same, way, but
differently transposed, the modern transition, better recorded in its stages,
shows the ‘earlier’ under transformation (the Reformation) rapidly turning into
something new and different near the divide. Note that the divide period before
and during the Exile is the crucial one, in terms of how we see this in
retrospect. But here the modern instance seems slightly different, because we
artificially divide history into sacred and secular. And the modern
‘re-formation’ leads to a ‘secular’ Enlightenment, as if Athens and Jerusalem
were collated. This point seems obscure now, but was clear to Kant’s generation
in the German Aüfklarung, as they deftly produced a discourse on Reason
in History, now shunted aside by the cultural theme of ‘instrumental
rationality’.
Theologians will do everything they can to confuse you
here! Secular historians will go to the other extreme, Iron Age economics at
work. We have a string of Prophets appearing near a divide, and later redactors
putting two and two together. There are almost no reliable texts here, but the
situation is improving and a secular age can one day inherit this data as record
of evolutionary history of a most remarkable kind. Please note our previous
discussion of ‘relative transforms’. The ‘prophet’, witness Zarathustra, existed
before our transition. Thus we spawn the strange notion of the ‘eonic
determination of the Biblical Prophets’, a statement at first sight almost
silly. But upon reflection it makes good sense.
[i] Joseph Blenkinsopp, A History of Prophecy
in Israel (Philadelphia: Westminster, w1983), Chapter V, p. 177,
“Between the Old Order and the New”.
[ii] Peter Ackroyd, Exile and Restoration
(Philadelphia: Westminster, 1968), p. 7.
[iii] William Dever, What Did the Biblical
Writers Know and When Did They Know It? (Grand Rapids, Michigan:Eerdmans,
2001).
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