|
|
|
We are ready for the idea of the fundamental unit of historical analysis as
transition and oikoumene. Note how Spengler speaks of a Magian civilization, but
we can see he is mixing the Judaic, Persian period of transition and the
oikoumene arising in that era. The Greek transition passing into the Hellenistic
is thus one such unit.
Not the civilization but the individual with his idea of
civilization is the key point. There is nothing wrong with the idea of a
civilization, but it is not a dynamical or evolutionary unit. Our unit of
historical analysis is the transition and the field of diffusion it creates. The
idea of civilization tends to suffer ambiguity over geographical positioning. If
an Athenian Greek of Homer’s period climbs in a boat and travels to found a new
city-state, he takes his ‘civilization’ with him. Are these two civilizations?
It is a relationship of sourcing area, transitions, and diffusion. It is a
question of the flow of information. Look at the relationship of England and
North America, in terms of transitions and sidewinder diffusion fields. Then
again the similar case of the Greeks and the later Roman diffusion field.
The term ‘civilization’ is poorly defined and serves badly
as a basis of analysis, except to designate the content of social activity, for
its instances, although structured loosely, are always ad-hoc, that is, the
result of temporal choices and incidents, and its extent, duration, and
character entirely fuzzy. What is the start of a civilization, its finish, its
duration, does it have a beginning middle and an ending with interior structure,
be it systematic, organismic, or dramatic? It is the phases that fret duration,
resolve beginnings and endings, what arises across or in between what we may or
may not care to call ‘civilization’, as constructive incidents freely chosen,
yet empirically found to echo these phases. It is useful to bring a term
‘civilization’ into this context. But the scale of time involved shows they are
as corporations to ‘economy’. These phases do nothing, but like a conductor in
an orchestra they organize sequence and ‘stepping’. These phases wedge new
middles into the problem of beginning and ending, take over or render
superfluous the dramatic metaphor, and fret the statistics of the temporal
history like a sluice gate. Any barbarian with a sword can found a kingdom. Is
this civilization? Our phases show their hand if we consider this barbarian with
a sword before, during, and after a period of transition, and the sequence of
transitions as a whole. Then again, a crowd with a constitution, set of laws, a
prophet, or a religion, can create a peopledom. Is this democracy? We can watch this crowd before,
during, and after a transition, or a sequence of transitions, until, in our own
time, having looked back we attempt to discriminate our own free action from
historical causality and thereby create a free future or expect a new
transition. We can move to define the ‘fundamental unit of historical analysis’
in terms of an idea of ‘eonic evolution’ as
the relationship of phases to their generated fields, rather than the more
qualitative ‘civilization’. The appearance of these phases suggests an empirical
frequency hypothesis, in a system of unknown source and continuation. This
analysis makes a distinction between economic, technological, and eonic
‘sequences’, the former two continuous, the latter discontinuous. These phases
can be referred to as ‘ET4, 5, 6’ with a suggestion, unclear, but strongly
suggested, of earlier such phases.
One of the difficulties with the idea of civilization, on
top of our previous objections, as a fundamental theoretical unit in the fashion
of Toynbee, is that it is appropriate to the earlier phases of history, the
birth of civilization, and its failure to match the nature of the structures
that begin to arise thereafter. The Buddhists, for example, attempt to exit or
renounce civilization, and yet create one of a series of civilizations. The
common denominator is the phase of eonic determination. The distinction, almost
the mismatch of free action, and eonic determination is clear in this case. The
Hebraic prophets are the critics of civilization, as observers of the Assyrians.
And these ideas are inherently the socio-politics of our own time, for there is
no law of civilization, while there certainly is the entailment to create a new
concept, or new definition of civilization, to meet the growing global oikoumene.
The fundamental unit of civilization then is not the next civilization, but the
outstanding eonic productions of the latest phase of eonic sequence, which
amounts to our reckoning with the diffusion generated from the rise of modernity
in its grossly imbalanced western manifestation. In any case, our fundamental
unit of civilization must apply equally to past and present, account for its own
observer and his statement of the unit, and account for his interfering free
action as no exception to the generalization. The problem is easily solved if we
look at the process of oikoumene and diffusion in relation to a transition. The
unit of definition applies as well to the ancient Egyptians as to the men,
including ourselves, passing out of the ‘modern’ transition. And our
‘interference’ in the ‘law’ fulfills it, if we take to the task of modernization
as free action in the wake of the modern transition, viz. the emergence of
industrial civilization.
Our substitute fundamental should be, cycles of phase as
eonic determination and mideonic sequential dependency as free action in a field of diffusion, and generating an
oikoumene. The progeny then are eonic emergents and eonic productions. The
products of this process can be states, universal empires, civilizations,
civilization, Buddhist sanghas, Judaic networks, economic structures, etc,… The
classical period of phase produced the Israelite and Upanishadic eonic
determination and sequential dependency in the generation of
Judaism/Christianity/Islam and Buddhism
/Hinduism. This is quite disparate, which is
appropriate, for we are not bound by our own creations on the grounds that they
must follow historical laws. However we can create generative sources that
engulf us. But this is a different issue. Similar statements could be made about
political and economic structures, indeed religious and political structures
blend together. In our modern case, the issue is not yet clear! We speak of
Western civilization.
For example, the phase of local European modernization 1500
to 1800 shows accelerated evolution and initiates a global cone of modernizing
diffusion in a new generative oikoumene. This definition dispenses with many
difficulties and red herrings. This approach includes the villagers of Borneo as
they encounter and interact with the cone of diffusion in the frontier from
‘Eonic transition period, Europe, 1500 to 1800’, ‘ET6, Europe’. Their exact
disposition in the new oikoumene is not as yet clear, but the issue of their
culture and values in relation to the generative nexus does not subtract from
their status as members, not of ‘western civilization’, but of the sequential
phase structure. Thus as observers of the past, we are in a position to upgrade
our ideas of civilization, which will indeed show sequential dependency on the
period 1500 to 1800 as eonic determination! This approach relieves us of the
analysis of civilization that we are forced to apply to ourselves as a
sociological law. We can apply the same definition to the classical phase of
emergent ‘civilizations’. The phase of Israelite and Buddhist transitional
emergence fit this approach especially well, for they bypassed the issue of
state formation, and generated templates for the generation of mideonic sequence
with a constructive series of results in ambiguous relation between state and
religion.
Nationalism and the Unit of
Analysis Eonic determination stands beyond the state constructs
of men, and there is a simplicity behind confusion, and a redundancy of
categories in our thinking, civilization, states and The State, nation states,
tribal zones, cultural units, the polis, the empire, the religion, the Buddhist
Sangha, ‘Israel’ without or without quotation marks, plus others, viz.
the ‘kingdom of god’, utopia virtually achieved or in progress (revolution).
Socialism, communism, anarchism, and economies, e.g. market economies, join this
list in some fashion. These categories are permutations and combinations and are
man’s creations and are a separate relevant study, but secondary. The beauty of
the Israelite transform freeze framing a moment in the transition from State to
Religion is one of the most telling sectors of the eonic data. The collision of
libertarian and collectivist categories in the wake of our third transition is
another case of ‘evidence in plain sight’ of what our system seems to be always
up to.[i]
Into this mix arrives the question of nationalism. The
nation state is another confusing category tending to distract from broader
perceptions, even as it becomes a major piece of the modern puzzle. The author
adopts a critical here, and a look at emergent nationalism in the wake of the
French Revolution shows our system crystallizing in some not very wholesome
ways, but the fact remains that as a secondary process nationalism shows an
emergentist character.
It qualifies as a relative transform (?), an at first
obscure statement. Put an eonic tracer on the ‘nation state’. Egypt seems one of
the primordial early versions, due to its geography. But the modern phenomenon
is a definite ‘eonic emergent’, and shows strong divide correlation in the era
of the modern transition. Note that modern Germany was the locus of a great deal
of transitional action before it consolidated as a nation while England,
for example, had a comparative integration before! We must conclude therefore,
armed with a strange clue provided by our model, that the nation state is a
secondary category, and that our eonic sequence moves independently of nation
building. Our fundamental process is thus not working in any fundamental sense
through nationalism. But nationalism is also a clear ‘relative transform’, and
shows gestation in the medieval period, rapidly consolidating in the period
after the modern divide. And so on.
Our terminology might seem jargonistic and very odd, or
abstract, but rightly used it will work perfectly in a wide range of situations
you wouldn’t expect and can be used to explain many things. The idea of the
nation state as a relative transform and eonic emergent might seem strange, but
the facts speak for themselves, as with other cases. Something like nationalism
has existed from the start, yet it becomes a distinctly modern re-creation
almost precisely timed with our divide, in some confusion over the contradictory
main trend toward globalization. The rise of the nation state shows a clear
process of differentiation and integration at work in modern times, for there is
also the unmistakable ‘eonic emergence’ of the core ideas of an ‘international
system’, yet one challenged by the aggressive tactics of the far left. This
double motion reflects the sense of tension in the idea of the nationalistic and
produced catastrophe in the First World War. Even as the nation state
crystallizes the system is moving beyond that. There are dozens of issues like
this that we simply don’t have the space for.
The eonic sequence simplifies all this not by solving these
issues, but by abstracting large-scale dynamics to another level, leaving these
other categories in the empirical realm. It is always the same process over and
over, a core area or transitional zone surges ahead, and then an oikoumene is
created around diffusing influences in a field of diffusion. This passage from
local to global is unmistakable in the modern case, in the generation of a
figure such as Marx who appears with precisely that issue in mind. It is ironic
that this ‘ecumenical integrator’, the construct of the far left, was not this
time a ‘religion’, but related itself to the new market economies as a
‘materialist’ worldview. But Marx tended to override the clear ‘eonic emergent’
we see in such thematics as the Kantian confederation of states. The left never
quite did its homework and ignited one of the classic ‘jackknifes’ that haunt
any discrete process embedded in a continuous one, witness the horrific rise of
anti-Semitism as Christianity jackknifes away from the Judaizing stream flowing
from the earlier transition. Whatever the case with all these issues of rival
units of analysis, without exception, our fundamental unit embraces them all,
and we see the core issue reanimated in the modern dialectic of libertarian and
collectivist ideologies. These diffusion fields tend over and over to degenerate
into empires. The most dramatic case is that of the Judaic transition, which
spawns transcultural ‘religions’ complete with ‘law codes’, so to speak, and
these produce active missionary expansions. This seems almost a response to the
issue of empire, a vehicle for the individual as an adherent to a ‘religion’.
The rise of the modern seems to abandon this, with a renewed emphasis on the
state, and the progression of religion to a series of churches. Whatever the
case, the ‘religion’ and the ‘state’, in relation to the individual, often thus
seem redundant categories and a struggle arises to replace one with the other.
Needless to say, we tend to forget that medieval Catholicism was an integrator
of states, and, as such, as much a political formation as a religious one. Note
how poorly defined the term ‘religion’ is, therefore. Its forms change almost
into their opposites.
[i] Elie Kedourie, Nationalism
(Cambridge, Mass.: Blackwell, 1993).
|
|