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As
we enter on the artificially created moment of the new Millennium set by the
Christian calendar, an observer skeptical of the eschatological visions of
doomsday apocalyptics might yet consider that mankind is passing through a
crisis in human history as a whole, the end of a long beginning since the
passing of the last Ice Age. Globalization and economic interpenetration, the
onrush of technology, political cyclone, ecological and demographic alarm,
coexist with futurist expectation, and the hopes of temporal salvation rendered
over to providential certainties. Ideas of progress and decline
seem finally to blend in the antique hope of ‘end-time’ redemption, to pass as
the ultimate ‘quick fix’ uttered in slogans. Some see the end of the ‘modern
age’, and in a postmodernist mood, survey twentieth
century as the close of an era. At least, the expectation of millennial
completion seems a desperate impatience in a vault of centuries and a
progression of epochs barely underway, barely able to begin. The nature of
futurist beliefs, themselves the source of endless confusion, generate
historical misperception in the traffic between archetypal ‘crisis’ and the
console red-warning lights of real issues.
It is interesting that the roots of
millennial conceptions in their current form emerged from the ideas of
Zarathustra
, in the second Millennium B.C., passed
through the vehicle of the Persian Empire into the
parallel world of emerging Judaism during the period of the Exile
and thence into Christianity and Islam. By
this reckoning our crisis is quite ancient indeed, as recycled eschatology. It
is difficult to reconstruct the exact sequence whereby the
Saoshyant, or savior, of Zarathustra passes into the Qumranic world and
thence into the messianic conceptions of early
Christianity, although the Book of Daniel shows the clear footprints
leading back to the era of the Persian
Empire in the time of Cyrus
the Great.[i]
The direct influence of Zoroastrianism
on the beginnings of monotheism, in the West, must force us to examine this
historical context of our religious beliefs. The world of Biblical Criticism,
generated from the era of the modern Enlightenment, was slow to confront the
strains of the Zoroastrian prophet in the figure of Jesus, a
classic exemplar or realization of the type. A forgotten irony of history, still
indirectly evident in the disposition of the Old Testament mood, is the way in
which the ‘small scale’ Israel proved a more adept vehicle for
the transmission of Zarathustra’s vision than the stolid Persian
Empire of Darius and Xerxes that amplified the already distorted form into the
common world of antiquity. Perhaps in the new Millennium we will reach
the end of the unconscious ‘Zoroastrianism’, our psychic archeological site,
whose archetypes powerfully influence our social mythhistories, the strange
entwining of historicism, futurism, the eschatological, that animates millenarian
expectation.
The blend of indigenous Judaic monotheism, as it
emerged from its Canaanite, thence Egyptian and Mesopotamian sources, along with
the themes of Iranian dualism and eschatological messianism during the period of
the Exile
and after, resurfacing strongly during the
Qumranic period near the birth of Christianity, is one of the most confusing
overlays of the period of cultural advance and integration that occurred with a
center of gravity ca. –600, thence to generate the pillars of a great
constellation of traditions. This complex parallel emergence and interactive
blending constitutes one of the central mysteries of the western religious
tradition, one part of whose content is so clearly a product of cultural
diffusion. It will seem less mysterious once seen in its broader outline of what
we will call the ‘eonic, or stepping, evolution of civilization (and/or
religion)’
.
That the record of the period of Exile given in the Old
Testament should have preserved the forgotten connection of eschatological ideas
with the parallel Zoroastrianism in the world of the Persian
Empire is a piece of a great puzzle. Its relevance to our subject is the
temporal correlation with the onset of a new era in world history. The issue
here is not the influence of Zoroastrianism but an insight, in one instance,
into the high level of abstraction operating behind our perceptions of religious
evolution. It is the period ca. –600, plus and minus that is in fact our
subject, for it is this era that is the rough center of gravity of a great
transformation, our mysterious drumbeat. It is
the era of the birth of the great religions in concert at the
fountainhead of the traditions of classical antiquity. The process has nothing
to do with religion and we see that the synchronous effect applies as well to
the polytheistic Greece in the period of the Ionian Enlightenment. The Old
Testament conceals a riddle, but cannot do justice to its own discovery.
The myths of the Old Testament are in desperate need of
secular debriefing, and the findings of Biblical Criticism are either ignored or
reabsorbed into new semi-secular theological sophistries. At a time when the Old
Testament mythology is resurfacing as a geopolitical legitimation text in a
modern Israel armed with atomic weapons the deceptions here are proving
catastrophic. It is important to consider how little accurate information we
have for this period. By comparison the histories of the Greek period are rich
in data. We could not reliably speak of the historical existence of Abraham,
Moses, the Exodus, or any of the other details of a history rendered into an
ideological collation in the generation before the Exile. Our strategy here will
be to strip the account of its particulars and restrict ourselves to block
analysis in correlation with the synchronous Axial period. That reduces the
history to what we know, and to what it is, an input-output problem in an
historical system of evolution. It is simply inappropriate to take the myths of
the Old Testament as ‘tradition’, for our system is resetting a new beginning as
a ‘New Age’, an effect all too visible in the Old Testament era itself. To
override the attempted Enlightenment course correction is risking disaster. We
should remember the stance of Spinoza at the dawn of the early modern.
Seen rightly, the Old Testament’s core account, the
rough interval from –900 to the Exile, unwittingly records what we will call an
eonic transition. One and the same issue of continuity and discontinuity
that we must consider confused the redactors of the Judaic corpus who attempted
to seek the sources of their suddenly appearing tradition in earlier figures,
yet the sagas of Abraham and Moses, if historical, clearly precede
the crucial phase. One irony of our enquiry will be to inherit the true beauty
of the Old Testament in a secular interpretation that can rescue its account
from the overlay of myths that have degraded its true significance to religious
fanaticism. A world historical first in the emergent technologies of writing,
and as such the first recorded documents of our eonic observer and their ‘action scripts’, these redactors of the
immediate ‘post-transitional’ era just before and after the Exile constitute a
veiled instance of the evolutionary made history.[ii]
This period seems the source, as an age of ‘revelation’, of
our sense of the sacred. Yet we can now see that the Zoroastrian theme
precedes this period, whose relative transformation (cf. section 4.6) of
outstanding cultural streams seems to generate the illusion of an absolute or
transcendental source. Similar influences can be found in the Egyptian hints of
monotheism, as in the various considerations of the ‘religion’ of Akhenaton. And
in fact Christianity and Islam arise much later, but seem to look backward to
this period, whose actual core shows something quite different, the history of a
Canaanite culture zone, ‘Israel/Judah’, whose religious traditions suddenly
transform into a monotheistic vehicle, as it sows the seeds of the religions to
come. An almost identical phenomenon, at this high level of abstraction, is
visible in India, and in a comparable time frame. In fact this entire period was
extraordinary in its generation, and all at once, of new cultural traditions.
Eonic evolution of religion The
term ‘eonic evolution of religion (or science, or any
other relevant stream)’ joins our general category, the ‘eonic evolution of
civilization’, as a means to study the relation of the streams of religion to
the eonic sequence. This discussion will be expanded in section 4.6.
With the increase of modern historical knowledge this
strange phenomenon of synchronous parallelism has become an enigma replacing a
myth, and in the process casting the Occidental myths of revelation in a most
ironic light. This constellation of creative individuals generates a new age of
history, and leads us into causal perplexity at such a complex temporal
correlation over independent regions of so many effects. It is a phenomenon of
Gaian proportions, yet we see only a series of outcomes, never the dynamic
behind them. There is nothing simple about it, for while it is true that the Old
Testament demonstrates the appearance of Biblical prophets in this period, the
effect has nothing as such to do with prophets. Prophets existed before, but
none quite like this unique series in their anticipations of a new world to
come.
We should note again that Zarathustra is often mistakenly
included in this period, and yet we now know that he lived earlier. In similar
fashion, Lao-tse, perhaps a fictional invention of a later period, is associated
with this Axial Age. Thus we have the most obvious association of religious
emergence with this Axial period. Yet many of the elements predate this period,
and merely undergo a very strange transformation in the interval of transition.
This is a puzzle of a system operating in frequency, not of religion. Despite
the perspective of secularism, we remain then with a difficult puzzle indeed for
a systems theorist: why does a remarkable string of prophets appear dead center
in the Axial pattern? Conventional social science will prefer to deny the
existence of the Axial age. The problem with the religious explanation is that
in the same time frame we see emergent Buddhism, to say nothing of the world of
the Archaic Greeks.
In any case, it is the crystallization, almost the
beginning rationalization, of these first Zoroastrian sources that is
characteristic of the Occidental religious traditions, whose effect was also,
unfortunately, their later exploitation as theocratic imperialism from which
they seem to have hoped to escape, and the inadequacy of the basic mythological
format inherited from Iranian dualism. The endless confusions of dualism are in
part simply the reflection of the polytheistic remnants of the Indo-European
pantheon filtered through the brilliant vision of Zarathustra as the conception
of the ‘one god’ founders in the dialectic of good and evil.
From its archetypal roots, the eschatological idea
forever resurfaces, as evidenced in the versions of early modernism, as they influenced,
for example, the German and English Civil Wars, Hegel, and Marx. The
eschatological nexus moves between its twin realizations, the slow, and the
fast, the one conservative dangling the carrot of hope, the other radical, pedal
to the floor acceleration and social tumult. The ‘end times’ are the grounds for
the last revolution, or else the ‘end of history’ is the rationale for the end
of revolutions. It is no accident that much contemporary social criticism
attempted to expose the fast version embedded in leftist communism, looking the
other way at the slow version granted the weight of religious tradition.
We must, of course, enter the deeper levels of
detail in the history of ‘Israel/Judah’. But streamlined at a high level of
abstraction, the eonic block analysis of the Judaic source era is far more
remarkable than that of the theologians. What is happening here as a caravan
stop between Egypt and Mesopotamia morphs outward to overtake and surpass the
derelict empires inherited from a greater antiquity? First and foremost, we are
beginning to see that our subject is a relationship of the local to the global,
and that the crisis of civilization lies in the relation of the emergent state,
seen at the dawn of civilization, to its exterior, and the expansion into a
void, first as empire then as ecumenical religion. First the state is born, with
elements of religion, and then the oikoumene from that state generates the need
for a more universal religion—the challenge to empire. This nexus is one and the
same that we find in the modern explosion of leftist revolution, globalization,
and the ‘class struggle’, i.e. the relationship once again of individual to
state. Religion is about the individual, and yet it also about the relation of
the individual to the State, as it both liberates and dominates that individual.
Let us consider this latter aspect on the way to our analysis of what we will
call the ‘fundamental unit of historical analysis’.
The transformation of ‘Israel/Judah’, beside the
world of Zarathustra perched prophetically in the mountains of Iran, falls into
place in the field of civilization
springing from Sumer and Egypt, as the frontier seedbed of the great religions to come, as
ecumenical integrators in the frontiers of the first rise of the State. State
formation, as the fundamental achievement of its first creators at the beginning
of civilization, had rapidly become a relation of ‘core and field’, ramparts and
political nuclei confronting a field of diffusion, whose chaotic irregularities
generate the need for cultural integration. Beyond the ramparts of the primitive
state, the will of Pharaoh or the codes of the Hammurabis do not reach, and the
form of this state must confront its own self-division. What is remarkable is
the way the play on the idea of the state in the Judaic histories, and the
whittling away of the ‘Israel/Judah’ nexus in the shadow of empires, spawns a
world religion, even as it disappears in the period of the Exile.
Thus, beyond the issues of the sacred, the
emergence of Axial monotheism is, in part, an attempt as much as anything else
to respond to the crisis of Empire, as a new kind of ‘kingdom’ comes into
existence, the world religion, a transcultural integrator. The idea, or context
of many related ideas, of the ‘kingdom beyond boundaries’ is born, or
transformed. It is this ambiguous challenge to society and the ambition to
extend its field in universalism, in the open spaces and frontiers of spreading
civilization, that gives birth to the essence of the religion
s to come, as ecumenical movements.
We have a clue to both the cyclical myths of
history and the equally significant teleological histories that wish to
transcend them. Thus the Judeo-Christian tradition assigns to either the Hebrew
Prophets or to Augustine the invention or discovery of the ‘linear
conception of time’, in a revolt against the cyclical
histories of the ancients, although the root idea is clearly Zoroastrian—in the
form that comes down to us. Norman Cohn, in his account of Zarathustra,
Cosmos, Chaos, and the World to Come, describes the contrast between the
essentially static world views of the earlier Egyptian, Sumerian civilizations,
and the revolutionary implications of the new conception of the prophet
Zarathustra, to see the world in motion and moving beyond itself to a final
resolution. A central paradox that our eonic model grapples with successfully is
this unity in contradiction of cyclical and linear views of history, as the
static yields to the progression of evolutionary history in a cyclicity of
driving motions. We will soon see this not just as the evolution of religion,
but more generally as the eonic evolution of civilization, in the ambiguity of
states, empires, and religions at the core of which lies the hybrid transitional
form of the Judaic ‘Israel’.[iii]
None of this subtracts a jot from the enigmatic
splendor of the emergentist phenomenon reflected in the Old Testament which will
turn into an ‘eonic showpiece’ for our historical model, as the secularist walks
away with this evidence of eonic history. The redactors of the Old Testament
were observing the compression of eonic emergence in their time-space frame, and
we declare them early exemplars of our universal historian, the eonic observer.
Our ‘secular’ version will be an upgrade of this extraordinary, but isolated,
perspective of the Prophetic period. The secular version is much more
interesting than the degenerating fairytales cast off now into Hollywood popcorn
religion.
Thus we will see that the Judeo-Christian
mythology is ‘eonic’ and embeds a cyclical myth. The response to cycles is some
counter-myth of transcendence or linear time or teleological futurism. That
sounds arcane but it is not so very different in principle from efforts by
economic agents to ‘straighten’ economic ‘cycles’. The redactors of the Old
Testament are the first appearance of our ‘eonic observers’ and are both creating as myth
and observing at the same time an historical transition in the greater evolution
of emergent civilization. Once we see this historical nexus behind the myth we
will also discover that the ‘rise of the modern’ has an isomorphic structure
with a different context, and that a Zoroastrian myth is not so easy to avoid,
as one and the same response to a cyclical not so mythical myth complete with
‘end times’ myth is at work in the modern world.
We can leave it there, for the moment. The eschatological
idea echoes throughout history, reaching the modern world in its inverted
secular forms, such as the Hegelian ‘end of history’ showing the connection
between state and transcendence in direct fashion. Our secular Zarathustras live
in the acceleration
of history, the exponential curve as myth.
Francis Fukuyama finds, in The End of
History and the Last Man
, that we have reached a political final state, the end
of world-historical political evolution in
the form of the liberal state. If this is true, it should better be called the
Beginning of History, the real New Age, if its creature could reach future
history as a New Man. Finally, in the vault of time, the scale of the historical
passes to the moment of Earth time and the evolution of life, thence to embrace
a Big Bang and even, in new crypto-Zoroastrian theories of physics, a final
relativistic Omega Point of converging world-lines at the “end of time”.[iv]
Chapter 4
[i]
Norman Cohn's Cosmos and Chaos and the World to Come: The Ancient Roots
of Apocalyptic Faith (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1993), along
with his earlier In Pursuit of the Millennium (New York: Oxford,
1970), Theodore Olson, Millennialism, Utopianism, and Progress
(Toronto: University of Toronto, 1982). “Zarathustra’s references in his
Gathas to a figure known as the saoshyant (‘bringer of benefit’ or
‘benefactor’, also sometimes translated as ‘savior’) suggest a man who
wishes to proclaim an eschatological message…It is generally believed that
its use in the singular form denotes Zarathustra himself…When it is used in
the plural, however, it can either mean all those called asharvan—the
followers of truth—or it could refer to specific “savior” figures who are to
come after the prophet, in ‘messianic’ fashion…it is almost certain that the
first interpretation is the one Zarathustra would have intended, and that
the second is a later theological reflection, probably prompted by a fading
over time, of the prophet’s own eschatological vision.” Peter Clark,
Zoroastrianism, Brighton: Sussex Academic Press, 1998, p. 59. Albert
Schweitzer’s The Quest for the Historical Jesus (New York: Macmillan,
1948).
[ii] As Wellhausen, one of the greatest of the
nineteenth-century students of the Old Testament suspected, it would seem
that it was the period of the prophets that represents the real
transformation that generates the emergence of monotheism. Cf. also,
Giovanni Garbini, History and Ideology in Ancient Israel (London: SCM,
1988).
[iii] We trace this eschatological theme to
Zarathustra but the reality may well be more complex. For Zarathustra, as
the inventor of Zoroastrianism, could only by conjecture be the first to
conceive of historical directionality, as Cohn cogently argues, and it must
surely have begun stirring with the invention of writing and the first
inklings of historical time etched in the records of hieroglyphic stone.
Cohn may be entirely correct, however, in his discovery of the idea of
progress here. Even the great Buddhist corpus reflects that sense of the
eternal that is beyond time and history. But few are the first to invent
anything, and our immediate impulse, on seeing the eonic effect,
would be to find the first concepts of history near the birth of
civilization itself, thence backward to the onset of the Neolithic. The
linear and the cyclical are really aspects of one process, their
reconciliation seen in our eonic pattern, once the driving motion of cycles
of emergent civilization are found to be themselves the true source of
progressive motion beyond stasis. One should consider the view of Eric
Vogelin, on the subject of historiogenesis. Eric Vogelin in The
Ecumenic Age (1974), Volume IV of his Order and History (Baton
Rouge: Louisiana State Univ, 1956),
wrestles with the evanescent signs of the birth of the ‘linear sense of
time’ as early as the Sumerian King List.
[iv] Francis Fukuyama, The End of History and
the Last Man.(New York: The Free Press, 1992).
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