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The
historical emerges from the unknown, the primeval scenes of evolution, and the
emergence of the hominid creature with a runaway brain from the Paleolithic, the
‘primordial minus infinity’ from which man arrives to commence the arts of
agriculture, and the creation of civilization. This tale must be one of relative
beginnings and pass on from the still
clouded threshold moment when modern man passed, or by-passed, the Neanderthal
in an explosion of cultural and artistic creativity. But as we look back at the
lost world of man’s cultural existence in the later Paleolithic, we must wonder
if the historical, then still so far in the future, was not prefigured in that
passage. We have seen the wisp of evidence for a Great Explosion. Does the explosion of
creativity that suddenly appears with the beginning of earliest man show any
relation to what we see later? Is the historical the evolutionary? That is, how
is the historical related to its greater source, the descent of Man? This is one
of the most difficult questions, for it evokes at once the search for historical
causality, the mechanisms of evolution, both genetic and cultural, in the
context of physical laws and in the headwind of all ‘arguments by design’,
teleological philosophies, and the nature of purpose in relation to both
organism and its environment. The discovery of the eonic
effect as a concealed process of
macroevolution operating in world history has forced us to examine the meaning
of the term ‘evolution’. We adopt our own usage of the term but with an
open-ended suggestion of an overlap with earlier phases of the descent of man.
Perhaps the details of the account are lost forever. Yet the eonic effect warns
us that high-speed changes may have occurred, and these are no longer visible.
We need a model that can adapt to relative beginnings. Otherwise we may suffer
the plight of Darwinism, whose source myth based on insufficient evidence is
being applied to the study of history, where we do have evidence, an absurd
situation.
The point is that our data suggests the way we can do
without the account of absolute beginnings that vitiates theory with a false
consistency. This sense of the relative beginning of history is essential
because we must take man as we find him. Our argument throws severe doubt on
current accounts of the descent of man, because we see that many of the cultural
aspects of man ascribed to adaptation are the result of a different form of
evolution altogether, one visible in history. In the final analysis, we cannot
indulge in the speculations of Darwinists. We weren’t there. But what we can say
is that world history is not evolving in this fashion. It is a preposterous
situation where speculation about what we can’t observe is applied to what we
can see, after we have put blinders on. We can do without the account of
absolute beginnings because the result will be a model that is an empirical map,
a theory of the evidence, not a full theory of evolution. We cannot produce the
latter until we resolve the facts. An intermittent model allows a component
chain of relative phases of evolution.
Further, we suspect that those who apply this theory to
history have an agenda. They may wish to induce competition, survival of the
fittest, with an excuse for this.
Witness the subtitle of Darwin’s Origin. This was the age, for example,
of the extermination of the American Indian. If you wish someone’s land, a
theory like Darwin’s is a useful excuse to flout morality. Thus we must examine
the motives of theory, for theories are emergent processes in real evolutionary
time. Their status as ‘objective’ is open to question. A close look at the eonic
effect can be used as a test of ‘competition’, historically. This might be too
harsh, Darwinists merely confused, but this is what they themselves have
declared. It is convenient to have ‘scientific’ grounds to relieve conscience,
justify conflict. We can however extend our view of history to see that
meaningful development follows a different course. The onset of civilization
after the Neolithic, taken as one relative beginning, shows its own dynamic. And
this is not a struggle for dominance of ‘favored races’. We don’t have to inject
the red herring of some speculative theory about unobserved eras into this
history. World history is moving toward an integrated community of man, not some
divisive struggle between winners and losers in the game of survival.
Wallace pointed unwittingly to the basic flaw in Darwinism,
man has a complex potential, difficult to realize, how could this be the result
of adaptation? Man is confronted with the demand to understand himself, his
latent potential, and consciousness. In simplest terms, we need the evolution of
an agent, not of an ethical robot with altruistic genes. It is hard to see how
adaptation could account for the man behind the man. Without this there is no
definition even of what organism it is that has evolved at all. Whatever the
case, Darwinism offers us no such account. Committed to absolute beginnings, a
full and total account, it must plug the gaps with a universal generalization, a
claim on a law of evolution. Natural selection is perfect for that. It is
devastating to consider that Darwinism has missed the main issue altogether. It
seems an insoluble puzzle. Where did Darwin go wrong?
A first problem is the nature of the observer himself.
Since the time-scale of evolution surpasses the lifespan of a human observer,
the question arises as to what is meant by the concept ‘observing evolution’.
Historians can never deceive themselves that guesswork can be applied to gaps in
history. The facts, and all the facts are needed. We have produced our hurricane
argument, and must remember that the temporal and spatial scope of evolutionary
process is tremendous, and that we never see and cannot easily visualize
evolution, and are prone to misconceptions. If we apply the term ‘evolution’ to
world history we see at once the difficulty of correct observation with respect
to five thousand years of civilization, let alone theoretical generalization.
And even there we detect an evolutionary macro process entangled at the highest
level of culture. Thus warns us that you must close in on the facts at
close range, and that is still beyond our ability. We must have eyes to see.
A strange question lurks in Darwinian theory: is there a
difference between evolution and history, and if so on what date did the
transition occur? Clearly there would not be a ‘date’ for this, but some sort of
incremental transition. We can make the distinction formal by allowing history
to emerge from evolution. The eonic effect foots the bill here. This means that
history is really appearing in the Paleolithic, a not unreasonable usage, which
we will take informally as a significant comment on our standard usage, noting
also that history is sometimes also defined as starting with the invention of
writing, the first period of the eonic effect (!). We can also speak of the
‘eonic evolution of civilization’, to qualify our use of the term ‘evolution’.
From evolution to history We can
make the evidence of the type seen in the eonic effect explicit grounds for defining
both the unity of and a distinction between evolution and history. We could
call history the record of free activity rising in the wake of the passive
evolution of volition. At what point has relative free action emerged for man to create
culture as a free agent? This definition includes the possibility that this has
not yet occurred.
The ‘eonic evolution’ of civilization
We can call the evidence of our three turning points the ‘eonic’ or
intermittent evolution of civilization, as some form of ‘macroevolution’ turning
into history. Then we can keep rough track of the two levels of history we
detect in the eonic effect. This will create a puzzle of
two distinct forms of action, one inside the eonic pattern, one outside. We will
say that system action shows ‘eonic determination’ while behavior outside of it
is simply ‘free action’.
The Great Transition Armed with
these distinctions we can call the passage from evolution to history The Great
Transition, with a possible echo (or not)
of The Great Explosion. However, we are immersed in this transition, and may or
may not have reached the end of its clearly intermittent action, seen as a
series of individual transitions.
This is a high-level perception in search of the definition
of ‘eonic determination’ requiring careful judgment of what effects have this
property, so our stance is always just prior to theory crystallization.
That seems to hand victory to a critic, but as we will see we can still proceed.
We could look at those properties that would belong any ‘eonic’ theory, or
model, i.e. one that shows turning points, on-off sequences. This connection is
a variant of our photo finish argument, and it has a significant twist, which is
that many fail to find any science of history, while the science of evolution is
taken as a given. We should be suspicious that our eonic data is precisely the
type of sequence, complete with intermittent transitions, required to fill the
discontinuity between history and evolution.
Notes: Laws of history and Popper on historicism
Even as we respond to the challenge of Darwinism, we must confront the legacy of
historical theory, as we embark on a path often labeled ‘historicism’. The
perception of the eonic effect, in the
evidence of what we will call the eonic evolution
of civilization, seen in the strange hints of periodic motion in its
emergence, must by its nature propose to reopen the issues, well-known to
students of historiography, of macrohistorical structure and sequence, ‘laws of
history’, in the debate that has attended the rise of modern historical
research, beginning in the early nineteenth century.
This research has tended to skirt these very issues as
intractably difficult, or undecidable, in the first priority of accurate
historical fact-finding. Indeed, a healthy skepticism is generally brought by
the specialist narrative historian to the legacy of Universal History as it
emerges in the movement, for example, of German Idealism, and to
attempts to find laws, forces, or regularities of the kind studied in the more
fundamental branches of science. In the latter category must be placed the
Darwinian theory of evolution, and in the middle, the Marxist theory of
historical materialism, this a significant inversion of an idealist program. To these can
be added the eclectic world of the macroeconomic model, seldom explicitly
offered as a model of historical evolution, but very much so taken in practice
in the various ‘economic interpretations of history’.
Related to this, one of the most interesting challenges to
the attempt to find historical ‘laws’ is the work of Isaiah Berlin in his Historical Inevitability. The
basic difficulty raised by this and other critiques is the factor of spontaneous
human action, whether or not we ascribe to this as an element of will, in the
difficulties of all theories of will. Thus, Karl Popper’s well-known critique of
historicism is one perspective that cuts to the root of the problem of both
historical and evolutionary theories:
I mean by ‘historicism’ an approach to the social
sciences which assumes that historical prediction is their principal aim, and
which assumes that this aim is attainable by discovering the ‘rhythms’ or the
‘patterns’, the ‘laws’ or the ‘trends’ that underlie the evolution of history.
This term has a complex and confusing history but we will
take Popper’s version to start. This important critique (directed at Marxist
predictive ‘laws’) does not apply to our eonic effect, for the simple reason
that our evidence is empirical, and gives us the answer, without telling us what
the question was. We see pattern, rhythm, but these are not laws, and we make no
predictions from the observation. But this was our problem, not nature’s. We can
retreat from causal explanation to pure periodization, and correlated causal
association.[i]
It would seem that the case against laws of history, laws
of evolution strangely exempted, is so overwhelming that we should abandon their
consideration. But the ironic result of seeing the eonic effect is precisely
this, to find strong, conclusive, evidence of historical regularity that courts
rather than preempts the issues of freedom. Our three turning points suddenly
start to make sense, for they show us nothing but free activity, and yet this is
demonstrably different in the crucial eonic intervals, witness the Axial Age. More, we see the idea of
freedom born in this very context of historical determination, e.g. emergent
democracy shows historical conditioning
. This provokes the classic contradiction in the question, what
causes freedom? We will explore in the next section the simple solution we see
in action, which is to find some middle ground between ‘freedom and necessity’
in the factor of self-consciousness.
Thus, we can adapt our thinking to the eonic effect, by
taking the contrast of consciousness and self-consciousness as surrogates for
determinism and free will. And then freedom can be an evolutionary idea
carried as a virtual potential realized at points of ‘relative freedom’ or
self-consciousness. Indeed, note the paradox that arises here, which is that
‘freedom’ in history, and ‘the generation of freedom’ cease to be the same
thing. We must realize our own potential, and activate that. Note that the
emergence of philosophical ideas of freedom itself shows correlation to our
non-random pattern. We can thus demonstrate the eonic effect without committing
ourselves to a theory of freedom, which require a breakout from Q3.
‘Laws’ and differential equations The problem can be
seen by looking at the differential equation, the rubric for the idea of a
‘law of anything’. This sometimes enters historical theory under the discourse
of ‘covering laws’. The problem is that a differential equation is a causal
sequence from a set of initial conditions, and has a net information content
that is unchanging from beginning to end. But in our case evolution is putative
‘self-organization’ in some form, and, whatever we call it, broken into
intervals that allow a net increase in information content (we suspect, not
proven, many of our ‘eonic effect’ look like permutations, relative transforms
of something prior) at each stage. In effect, a differential equation determines
a future, while our process of evolution ‘breaks free’ from the causal sequence
at periodic intervals. And it spawns a new category, ‘geographical freedom’ in
opposing types in the interiors and exteriors of its localized mainline.
A freedom paradox Consider as scratchpad heuristic
thinking the contradiction (there are any number of variants), speaking very
looosely: either man is free to self-evolve or else he is not so free and is
‘evolved’ by a larger process toward that freedom, at which point there should
be a transition to a post-evolutionary era where ‘evolution’ is switched off and
freedom takes effect. Note the dilemma. If he is too ‘evolved’ by that larger
process, that self-evolution can never begin or exercise itself, yet if that
‘self-evolution’ is total he might never advance, remaining at the level of his
starting point, and never reach freedom (which we didn’t define, the definition
might itself be evolving). One resolution of the paradox might be to consider
that some form of ‘evolution of one kind’ must initiate an evolutionary sequence
toward freedom as un-interfered with ‘sort of freedom’, and yet operate
intermittently in a series of on again off again bursts of ‘evolving’
between which self-evolution can occur. It is like the extra wheels on a child’s
bike. The temporary constraint on ‘freedom to ride’ is necessary as a stage
toward riding solo. We have just found a way to derive the eonic effect with its
distinct alternation of degrees of freedom. Thus an evolution of freedom might
well break down into a series of alternating intervals of degrees of freedom,
induced or not induced. Such situations occur all the time in real life, e.g.
the ‘third wheel’ on a child’s bike.
Relative beginnings, observing ‘evolution(s)’ There
are any number of candidates for the use of the term ‘evolution’, e.g. ‘economic
evolution’, or the ‘cultural evolution’ of particular cultures or civilizations.
But the eonic effect shows a clear pattern of general global ‘distributed
evolution’ in a master sequence proceeding from a focal source, operating in
short transitions, and creating diffusion fields or oikoumenes. This transcends
the individual civilization. Since we can see that laws of history/evolution are
not possible, we could refine our thinking and speak of each stage of our eonic
sequence as ‘eonic evolution 1’, eonic evolution 2’, etc…We can see that
each stage seems to involve a novel macro response to the given ongoing stream,
and we need to get down to cases with a ‘tracker’ or mapping sequence. Since we
can see that reductionist accounts are misleading, and that novelties are
appearing as ‘new complexity’ not known to be derivable from antecedents, we
must take what we see from its relative starting point, as the incoming stream
of prior culture enters into the visible master sequence. Thus we can try to
close the gap with earlier stages of human evolution in a fashion opposite to
that of biologists by proceeding from the recent past backwards. Observing
evolution can be highly subjective if we see the past through the lens of our
current evolutionary coordinates, since ‘evolution 1’ may be different from or
in the process of being negated by ‘evolution 2’. Thus the emergence of the
state is (arguably) a new freedom, freedom in the state, while the subsequent
emergence of ‘democracy’ is a reaction to an earlier phase, as ‘freedom from the
state’, etc…
We must suspect that the ‘cultural evolution’ we see in the
immense field of tribalisms inherited from the Paleolithic is relatively static,
yet undergoes kaleidoscopic transformations we tend to confuse with ‘evolution’,
e.g. the commonality still visible in the splitting of Indo-European cultures.
The tendency is toward differentiation, rather than the integration visible in
the eonic effect. For example, we see as historical givens the multiple
descendants of Indo-European, Semitic, Sinic, and other culture streams across
Eurasia. But these separate cultural evolution(s) obviously need also to be
taken into account, the whole point of our method. Indeed they often provide the
content of what is transformed in the eonic mainline. This differentiation is
confronted with the reversal toward integration in the stunning pattern visible
in the Axial period, a tour de force where our ‘eonic evolution’ does
time-slice interrupts on the parallel differentiated streams. And these start
generating new ‘cultures’ as transcultural oikoumenes.
In any account of relative beginnings the
differentiated components have to be taken as is, at the start, with or without
reductionist derivation. Thus ‘consciousness’ and its potential is a given at
the start of history, and cannot be eliminated on the grounds that we see no
adaptationist scenario for that in deep time. A good example can be seen in the
‘evolutionary psychologies’, clearly of great antiquity, and clearly entering
history in the world of the Indus, and we will discuss this evidence minimally
in terms of the famous Shiva seal. Thus the burden is on us to discover the
evidence of what man is first, and then backtrack toward the past. It’s no use
saying that ‘human nature’ must conform to scenarios of the Paleolithic. We
don’t know what those scenarios are, and only have more recent versions. There
the discovery of ‘human nature’ is notably difficult.
[i] Isaiah Berlin, “Historical Inevitability”,
Four Essays on Liberty (New York: Oxford University Press, 1969),
Karl Popper, The Poverty of Historicism, (New York: Routledge, 1991),
p. 3.
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