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Modern
to Postmodern This chapter and the next simply repeat the whole
argument on a larger scale and are basically
self-contained 'outlines of world history' and can be taken as reference data
banks We essentially rederive the
model again in practical terms. These chapters are better approached with the
text of World History and the Eonic Effect, and we will simply cite a few
key ideas.
- Idea for an historical database The eonic model is
short and simple, and yet needs to expand to look at a host of confirming
evidence in detail. The model makes a good way to organize a database of
historical information, and survey global history as whole. It automatically
divides the surface of a planet into eight hotspots that sample a huge
phenomenon at regular intervals and places. It is no accident a study of
global history and the eonic transition areas show the best strategy for
covering the whole with a minimum principle.
It is
significant that we see a 'postmodern' period. In our model, however, the early
modern is given its key role because of its place in the eonic sequence. This
sense of the postmodern reflects the post-transitional period indicated by our
model.
-
Deconstructing flat history
One of the key ideas of postmodern thinkers is to 'deconstruct
metanarratives'. But we can as well apply this to the idea of 'flat
history'. This can allow us to reconstruct a 'metanarrative of freedom'
without the teleological propaganda that haunts the genre.
-
The myth of the continents Our
domain of discourse is the surface of the planet. The continental or other
rubrics of cultural division are obsolete. We see two universal histories,
the global totality and the eonic mainline,
-
Units of analysis Toynbee and
Spengler give us an account of big history using the idea of the
civilization. We need to develop a different fundamental unit of historical
analysis
-
Eurocentrism The rise of the
modern is entangled in the concept of 'Western Civilization', but we can see
that in our approach 'Europe' is the wrong category. Our model shows the
onset of the early modern to be a frontier effect of the eonic sequence
relative to Eurasia.
-
Conflict theories As we
deconstruct flat history the misleading ideologies of 'flat history' with
their conflict mechanisms are exposed. The 'clash of civilizations' is not
what is driving historical evolution
Looking
Backward: The Eonic Sequence
We
are just outside the eonic sequence in our post-transition, and looking backward
the full phenomenon. We see
-
The
great divide
-
The
modern transition
-
A
medieval, or 'mideonic' interval
-
The
Axial transition
-
Another
'mideonic' period
-
The
first transition: the rise of 'civilization'
-
Earlier
stages of the eonic sequence?
The Enigma of the Axial Age
The idea of the Axial Age was proposed by Karl Jaspers and
summarizes a growing body of observations starting in the nineteenth century. According to Jaspers’ reckoning, in the period from
around -900 to –200 at the latest we detect the simultaneous appearance of
major advances across Eurasia. The dates, we will see, are a little off, but the
basic idea is clear, and utterly remarkable. Out of the blue, for example, the world of Archaic Greece flowers, the world of
the Old Testament produces the age of the Prophets, in India and China we see a
similar period of creative renewal and advance. From his The
Origin and Goal of History, we have Karl Jaspers’ observation:
The most extraordinary
events are concentrated in this period. Confucius and Lao-tse were living in
China, all the schools of Chinese philosophy came into being, including those of
Mo-ti, Chuang-tse, Lieh-tsu and a host of others; India produced the Upanishads
and Buddha and, like China, ran the whole gamut of philosophical possibilities
down to skepticism, to materialism
, sophism and nihilism; in Iran Zarathustra
taught a challenging view of the
world as a struggle between good and evil; in Palestine the prophets made their
appearance, from Elijah, by way of Isaiah and Jeremiah to Deutero-Isaiah; Greece
witnessed the appearance of Homer, of the Philosophers—Parmenides, Heraclitus
and Plato—of the tragedians, Thucydides and Archimedes. Everything implied by
these names developed during these few centuries almost simultaneously in China,
India, and the West, without any one of these regions knowing of the others. From Karl Jaspers, The Origin
and Goal of History (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1953), Part I,
Ch. 1
Like a flash of
lightening a period of creative advance occurs independently in five separate
civilizations. We are confronted with
something very remarkable, the global character of cultural evolution, and its
ability to transcend individual civilizations in brief intervals of rapid
change. The scale of the phenomenon, with its synchronous timing, and direct
action on the totality of culture. is almost mindboggling. The sudden
waning of this period is almost as remarkable.
What are we seeing? All we can really do is to try and observe this phenomenon
by setting out rough periodization boundaries. Later, on the analog of the
modern we can partition our Axial phase as a kind of transition with what we
will call a divide. We will take the Axial interval as being about
-900 to -600. This puts a rough ‘divide’ (end of the transition) near -600, after which we find a brief
flowering followed by a rapid fall-off. It is almost eerie.
Archaic to Classical
Greece The period from the Greek Dark Age to Alexander contains the great
clue to world history, better almost than the record of the Old Testament. The
gestation period is less glamorous than the later so-called Greek Miracle, but
its action is crucial.
Histories of Israel One
of the strangest legacies of human history is the phenomenon of ‘Israel’
associated with our mysterious drumbeat, or the so-called ‘Axial’ age. No
historical myth, theory of evolution, or universal history has ever produced a
coherent account of this history. But the eonic effect clarifies its status at
once, and in a very simple and elegant way, if we see that the key issue is the
core period of the Prophets around which additional history is adjoined as epic
prelude. Note the resemblance of this case to the Greek, one with an Iliad,
appearing early, the other with its ‘epic’ interleaved with the whole
transition. India, again, shows the analogy, although the Mahabharata,
and its later Bhagavad Gita, require a slightly different treatment.
China: a relative
beginning One of the most remarkable confirmations of the eonic effect is
the mid-stream echo of the Axial period in China. The rise to organized states
in Chinese civilization begins very early, and yet we see the synchronous effect
right in the correct time frame, as an overlay on the prior development. China
and Europe are both at the fringes of the ‘eonic sequence’. China, with
greater unity in isolation as a ‘civilization’, echoes the eonic sequence
right on schedule, as an effect independent of the civilization. The Chinese
case is inexplicable in isolation. It also shows a much higher degree of
continuity as the Axial emergentism appears inside this flow to reshape an
elusive relative transformation.
India:
Upanishads to Buddhism The
case of India resembles that of our ‘Israel’ in producing a world religion
from the temporal sequence, as if sifting from a tradition that is already
clearly formulated (relative transform) and existing prior to the transition.
We see that some dynamic is operating independently of the politics of
cultures and empires in the reactions of religion to state integration. With
the forest philosophers who renounce history, India creates a protected zone,
a parallel world to the eonic mainline. We must devise invariant accounts
applicable to states and religions to handle these cases. That will be easily
done, for Israel gives the clue. Buddhism, like the redacted Old Testament
tradition, arrives somewhat later. An earlier period of creative activity is
clearly antecedent to its appearance.
All at once we unlock the significance of the Old Testament: it is a response
to the Axial phenomenon. Since this puts us on a collision course with
theological history, we need to be clear the action of divinity in history is an
unsupported mythology. Now we see however why it arises. Given the findings of
Biblical Criticism, our approach, like it or not, is going to that of secular
interpretation. The great irony, that the Old Testament, is really a description
of a phase of historical evolution, takes some getting used to, but makes so
much sense of the data that we end up dumbfounded to find a naturalistic
approach to religious evolution.
Therefore, it is helpful to look at the other cases first, and the clearest case is in many ways that of the magnificent
Greek phenomenon, and it gives us a broad rubric for the remaining cases. It
unlocks the key to understanding the world of the Old Testament, and the
appearance of monotheism. The same is true of India, where the synchronous
appearance of Buddhism in this phase is analogous to that of monotheism. As we begin to consider the direct synchrony of the
core period of the appearance of the Prophets we see that it is in many ways
directly analogous to what we are seeing in Greece. And the timing matches in
all cases. We see that the outcome of the Axial interval produces two great
religions. These religions are really somewhat later outcomes and it is the
gestation period that is significant. Across the whole spectrum from China to
the Occident we see that emergent philosophy is difficult to distinguish from
emergent religion since the actual resulting form shows a sort of blending of
types, a point clear from such figures as Lao Tse and Confucius. The category of
‘religion’ shows no ultimate differentiation from the broader facets of
culture including art, philosophy and political evolution.
The Greek Transition
It is helpful to zoom in to look at what is going on behind
what is obviously the most visible indicator, creative individuals, like tip of
an iceberg. Consider the case of Greece. The philosopher Bertrand Russell
opens his A History of
Western Philosophy
with an exclamation of wonder at this generative era:
In all history, nothing
is so surprising or difficult to account for as the sudden rise of civilization
in Greece. Much of what makes civilization had already existed in Egypt and
Mesopotamia, and spread thence to neighboring countries. But certain elements
had been lacking until the Greeks supplied them…What occurred was so
astonishing that, until very recent times, men were content to gape and talk
mystically about the Greek genius. It is possible, however, to understand the
development of Greece in scientific terms, and it is well worthwhile doing so.
Bertrand Russell, A History of Western
Philosophy (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1945), p. 3.
This is essentially an observation of the Axial Age, but
with a clear understanding of the seemingly paradoxical relationship to the
earlier phase of civilization.. Greece is almost a test
case here because we really see two important eras, the Mycenaean, and then the
great classical period. What is remarkable here is the way in which Mycenaean
Greece falls apart, enters of period conventionally call its Dark Age, and then
almost in an eye blink takes off again in the so-called Archaic and Classical
era. There is no explanation by gradualistic development from the Mycenaean. We would attempt to focus on some factor of local causation here were it
not for the fact that a similar kind of jumpstart take-off is visible in five
other cases, all roughly in the same time frame! We are clearly dumbfounded by
the inadequacy of an account of the continuous record. This synchrony is the
strange clue that forces us to reconsider what is going on.
It is the period of the so-called Greek Archaic that is the
crucial source of the great innovations we are seeing. If we examine Greek history we see
the Greek Dark Age, centuries after the Mycenaean period, begin to gestate with
a new form of culture, after around –900. And this begins a truly remarkable
acceleration and take-off in the eighth century. The phenomenon of city-states
is emerging and producing a matrix from which one of the great eras of political
experiment will occur, climaxing in the brief flowering of Athenian democracy. Perhaps the most significant indicator is the appearance of the Homeric
epics, whether or not we consider Homer to be a real figure. This is the
fountainhead of the remarkable poetic culture, beginning with Archilocus in the
wake of Homer, that will end by being one of the greatest periods of world
literature in the entire historical record. This raises immediately the question
of the evolution of art, and most enigmatic in the case of discontinuous
eruptions in its significant episodes.
The sudden emergence of whole literatures is spectacular
but by no means the whole picture, and it is important to see the high-level at
which this mysterious process is operating. We find something that we are
hard-pressed to explain in terms of creative individuals alone, for the
coordination in the zone and period of several centuries, is almost beyond our
sense of what is conceivable. The poetic stream leads to the great period of
Greek drama. The philosophic tradition is founded in the so-called
Pre-Socratics. A spectrum of political experiments evolves in the emergence of
Athens and its democratic breakthrough. We see also the birth of science, and a
whole new series of traditions are born in tandem. This is the period of the
Greek Enlightenment, and however else we describe this extraordinarily complex
event, we can by simple periodization arrive at a very unexpected puzzle. What
is it that can produce such a large-scale passage in such a short interval of
time?
And it is a short interval. If we clock the major
developments, we can see that all at once, by the year –400 many of the major
themes of the advance are set, and a rapid fall-off begins to occur. It is for
this reason that we might feel the need to slightly revise the dates given by
Jaspers. Much of the real Axial Age is quite early, yet almost invisible due to
its inchoate beginnings. The period of Homer is the crux, for example. The
period of Classical Greece, slightly later, is really a climax of the earlier
beginning point. The period of Alexander and the Hellenistic empire is already a
decline from the Axial peak phenomenon.
Histories of Israel
Once we see the basic structure of the Greek period in the Axial Age we can
begin to piece together the significance of the parallel periods in China and
India, and then unlock the riddle of the Old Testament. The Old Testament is
really a set of observations about the Axial Age! One of the problems lies
in the complex mixture of fact and mythology that makes the Biblical account
confusing. But if we concentrate on the core of the Old Testament we find that
it is completely in concert with our Axial interval. The rest consists of a
series of myths or sagas about figures and events that may or may not reflect at
least sine actual history but which do not constitute literal history in any
definite fashion.
Thus the figures of Abraham, Moses, the Exodus, the
kingdoms of David and Solomon are not unlike those in the Iliad by Homer.
There is a very strong possibility of some partial concordance with factual
histories, but by and large we are dealing with later sagas constructed as epic.
Then suddenly the character of the facticity changes. Although the stories of
Israel/Judah are themselves embroidered with mythologizing elements they do in
fact describe in very rough terms a chronicle of Canaanite kingdoms attempting
to live and survive in the Middle Eastern context of civilization and empire. A
‘coming into history’ is evident as the chronicle approaches the period of
the Assyrian empire and then the Exile. The tendency to accept at face value the
literal account of the Biblical tale blinds us to something that is almost more
remarkable to a secularist than the sacred yarn presented to us in the text,
whose composition is itself a highly complex series of layered compositions.
Once we begin to put the pieces together with the findings of the modern
scholarship of Higher Criticism, we discover an almost perfect example, speaking
broadly, of the Axial phenomenon, and inside that an unwitting record of the
formation of a world religion, or its sourcing point.
Forwards and Backwards
Just as remarkable as the Axial Age is its sudden waning
and the resumption of continuity at a lower level of advance. In each case a
kind of cultural plateau is reached that cannot reach the same heights as those
seen at the spectacular yet brief moment of flowering in the Axial Age. In the
Occident, the Roman Empire comes into existence and goes on and on, until
finally the whole system breaks apart and produces the Dark Ages.
Then finally this medievalizing system is disrupted by the
explosive and rapidly emerging phenomenon of modernity starting in the sixteenth
century.
In the other direction, we are suspicious. We should move
backwards. We can almost guess what we might find. Is there anything resembling
an explosive, fast advance period, of consistent novelties, albeit of relative
beginnings in a time frame comparable, ca. 2400 years, to our previous case, yet
earlier still? There may or may not be a parallel effect of two or more such
hotspots in the same time band. We know what to look for, although our data is
beginning to thin rapidly. Do the figuring, -600, back 2400 hundred years, -3000
and head for the library.
Somewhere near here someone should be reporting rapid
change, or having a discontinuity problem. Let’s zoom in on an innocent
Egyptologist. Describing the swift transition from the era of earliest Egypt,
Michael Hoffman
, in Predynastic Egypt, is driven in some puzzlement to
adopt the economic take-off idea of the economist W. W. Rostow as a metaphor to
account for the sudden change that produces the unification of Upper and Lower
Egypt under the Pharaoh Menes:
The immediate
archaeological problem in explaining the cultural identity of Menes and his
state is to account for the sudden embarrassment of riches that characterizes
the material culture of Egypt between the Late Gerzean (ca. 3300 B.C.) and
Archaic period (ca. 3100-2700 B.C.) in terms of a sophisticated, multifaceted
explanation. Professor Renfrew borrows the term ‘take-off point’ from the
economist Walter Rostow to characterize the rise of civilization and the
proliferation of certain types of artifacts. Over the years a number of
propensities develop within a social system, which predisposes it to a really
major transformation. When that transformation does occur, it is so thorough as
to convey the impression of crossing a critical threshold. Michael Hoffman, Predynastic
Egypt, “In Search of Menes”.
Bull’s eye. Remarkable, to say the least,
although our data here is not comprehensive However, the degree of match is too
close to be chance. The overall structure of parallel interactive emergence and
transitional chronology is in principle identical to what we see in the Axial
period.
What about Mesopotamia? In Prehistoric Europe
, Philip Van Doren Stern
wrestles explicitly with the evolution/revolution
paradox and observes the sudden jump to the first level of
civilization in the first hydraulic world of Mesopotamia as it emerged from its
mysterious roots of it in the era of the so-called Ubaid and before:
Something happened in
Sumer during the fifth millennium B.C., when all the rest of the world was still
so primitive that the Sumerians had to make their own way. The initial stages
proceeded slowly for a thousand years or more, and then, during the five
centuries between 3300 and 2800 B.C., culture accelerated so rapidly that in
this brief time villages became cities and cities grew into city-states...Roux[Georges
Roux, Ancient Iraq, London. 1964,]
merely says of this extraordinarily rapid cultural development in Sumer that
‘a close examination reveals no drastic changes in social organization, no
real break in architectural or in religious traditions. We are confronted here,
not with sudden revolution, but with the final term of an evolution which had
started in Mesopotamia itself several centuries before.’ Perhaps. But perhaps
he is applying our modern time scale to an age when centuries were equivalent to
our decades. For a village to become a city in a few hundred years when there
had never been a city anywhere before, is, to put it mildly, something more than
ordinary evolution. Philip Van Doren Stern,
Prehistoric Europe (New York: Norton, 1969)
Bull’s eye again. The statement also shows clearly that
we are dealing with the puzzle, right on schedule, of relative beginning
s. The author clearly notes the puzzle of the t-stream prior to the
take-off. This is the sticking point that confuses all analysis, but which our
emerging model instantly courts as the proper evidence. We will soon see that
the observation should be amended to say that (perhaps) ‘something happened in
the sixth millennium in the North of
Mesopotamia, when, by a replication of one and the same process, the foundations
of a prior parent to Sumer were laid.’ It is not too hard to zero in on that
earlier case, but before the invention of writing we will draw no conclusions,
armed with a method of relative beginnings that can preempt any need to
speculate about still earlier ‘beginnings’.
A Frequency Hypothesis
We now see the significance of what we call the birth of
civilization, which is classifiable as one of our ‘relative transformations’
in what we suspect is a series going backward into the Neolithic. Look at the
medieval period leading to the sudden rise of the modern. Now look at the
antecedents to the sudden crossing of a threshold in Egypt and Sumer. The
resemblance is exact.
Let us extrapolate backwards to create a
‘retro-diction’, and leave the issue open to future data. We do that by
applying our model of ‘transitions, equally spaced, to the whole period
starting before the Neolithic, with an interval of about 2400 years. This
generalization is not yet
confirmed, but illustrates the meaning of the data we do have very well indeed.
This extension will in fact keep our statements honest, because we might forget
that our data is incomplete. We are dealing with a fragment.
Our model is highly artificial but works so unreasonably
well in the range provided that we are hot on the scent of a more general
pattern. We will take our three turning points and/or cyclical series and turn
the period of rapid change, the drumbeat period, into a ‘phase’ or
transition at the start of the ‘cycle’ or interval. That gives us three
transitions, and three intervals, the last of which is our own period, our now.
Transition 1 ?Mesolithic
transitions
Transition 2 ?Proximate start of
Neolithic ca. -8000
Transition 3 ?The Middle
Neolithic interval ca. -5400
Transition 4: The birth of
civilization, interval before -3000
Transition 5: The revised
‘Axial’ period, interval before -600
Transition 6: The early modern,
interval before 1800
We are already suspicious of the period in the sixth
millennium, and there is an already filling gap in our knowledge in the area to
the north of Sumer in the Fertile Crescent. A highlands culture zone to the
north of Sumer seems to flow outward into the Mesopotamian area, in a frontier
effect, prior to the historical period.
There is an obvious catch to this argument, which is that
the rise of civilization might be simply a new phase of long term evolution, and
that there is nothing much to find in the earlier period of man, save possibly
at the period of the first appearance of homo sapiens sapiens. That is, our later sequence could itself be an
overall ‘interrupt’ of evolutionary acceleration. That, however, is
doubtful, since the unseen stages and primordial beginnings are as much in need
of the driving factor as the more advanced. Since our model requires only
regions and innovative individuals it would be more than able to handle
generalizations prior to state formation. There is a uniformity to the entire
era beginning with the Neolithic. We must find a region for which later Sumer
was once the frontier. Consider by this reasoning the period ca 5700 to 5400
somewhere to the North of Sumer. We can almost see a transition here. We can
calculate this might be a candidate for a transitional culture. But we can’t
be sure because we don’t have enough data.
Invisible Transitions?
Now consider the history of Israel. This was a novel
breakthrough area armed for the first time with the new technology of writing,
and they actually recorded a phase period, and the onset of a new religion. This
earlier era didn’t have writing, so we don’t know. And without that closely
tracked data we default back to the ‘slow evolution’ mode of explanation,
something the Judaic data would not let us do. Now proceed backwards still
further into the Paleolithic. We are in the midst of full-blown ‘slow
evolution’ theories, assuming that fast transitions do not occur. Yet by
incremental steps backward we could suspect that religious and cultural
transitions
might be occurring in more primitive fashion at these earlier
times.
We must forever be vigilant about jumping to conclusions
about historical evolution. Proponents of flat history consider themselves
‘non-speculative’ but they may prove the worst offenders. As we complete our
tour we can see that ‘flat history’ is a species of religious faith in a
myth of continuity.
Apply this reasoning to the earlier speculations on the
Great Explosion, and we see at once the dangers of assuming anything.
The Riddle Resolved: The Eonic Effect
We have an immense data set to explore, but it's remarkable that we are done, a non-random pattern in our world historical
back yard.
This can be taken as a set of three turning points, or simply as the Axial
Age phenomenon with a question. What is the significance of this brief burst of
rapid change? The simplest solution is a frequency hypothesis: it represents a
stage in a sequence.
The Axial Age is in many ways the smoking gun for non-random
evolution in world history. We are confronted with a large-scale process at work
that can produce innovations in tandem over vast geographical regions over short
intervals. And it operates at the highest level.
We are discovering that the term 'Axial' is a perhaps of misnomer. It is not
an 'age', really, but more like a transition between different ages. For what we
are seeing only makes sense if seen in the larger context, as part of a more
general pattern. And as we move forwards and backwards we rapidly discover the
complete process. The rise of the modern and the birth of civilization are the
only other periods that show anything quite on the scale of the Axial Age.
Remarkably they are almost exactly equally spaced in a mysterious interval of
about three thousand years.
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