|
|
|
Inherent in the structure of a discrete-continuous model is
the phenomenon of the divide, as we have seen, and the system shutdown in its
wake. Stricly speaking we are done, our model closes, and says nothing about the
mideonic outcome. System return, if any, will occur we suppose in twenty-four
hundred years. Like a penitentiary the doors slam shut and the inmates may
attempt to make their own rules. These properties of our model are quite
artificial implications of its structure, and yet, remarkably, we can spot this
shutdown point quite clearly in the early to mid-nineteenth century. Compare the
foundational generation of the American republic and the immediate successor
generation(s) of the period of Andrew Jackson onward, initialization to
realization. This sudden shift, macro to micro, although strictly speaking a
formal approximation in a model, throws immediate light on the sudden
calamities, e.g. the first World War and the Holocaust, that overtake the
post-transition. This post-transitional onset must nonetheless be declared a bit
fuzzy (later events, e.g. the American Civil War, show obvious eonic
determination, though outside our designated interval) and raises a host of
questions near the limits of this kind of model, designed to show a non-random
pattern in history, but stumbling on something much vaster, and rapidly finding
itself in a thicket of ideological issues, wishing to resolve them, but not able
to do so in a rigorous fashion. The only solution is to proceed comprehensively
with a balanced inspection of the whole spectrum of possibilities. We can take a
step in this direction with a portrait of the rapid shift between, say, Kantian
classical liberalism and the emerging nineteenth century left, e.g. Marx. We
note the plight of the eonic observer, who should be able to distance himself in
terms of several millennia to really see what the outcome of the modern
transition turns out to be. Instead he is immersed, scientist to sans-culotte,
in the history he wishes to describe, no doubt trading his objectivity for a
commitment to versions of that outcome. At least we can say that the sudden
emergence of ideologies of freedom shows strong eonic determination!
We should clear about our intentions and the status of the
model, which is strictly advisory, and can’t be used to legitimate outcomes.
Nothing dogmatic can be claimed about a three term sequence, clearly showing
only half its data. Perhaps that’s a fortunate circumstance, preempting the
formation of a crude mechanistic perspective. Since there will be immediate
deviation from initial conditions that strategy of justification will soon prove
problematic. That is especially the case in the modern instance where the
agendas of economic action in the name of freedom generate exploitation. Our
statements about turning points in history are strong claims in the realm of
fact about evolution, but at the same time, especially in the case of the modern
transition, likely to be affirmations of the significance and historical
justification of modernity. (Eonic) evolution applies only to the
macro-sequence, not to the field of micro-action. And the latter presumes,
realistically or not, the highest standard of ethical action. This is hardly
evident in the imaginary world of Machiavellian politicians and their real
politik, which have no status in our model. The application of Darwinian
thinking to this situation does not bode well for the future of modernity. Nor
does the confused thinking of Nietzsche, soon the ideologue for a postmodern
‘new beginning’(?!),who is clearly a bit of an impostor in the sudden
post-transition.
In fact, with a little care there need be no problem in our
semi-ideological approach as we vigorously apply the insight into historical
dynamics to the situation we find ourselves inheriting from the eonic sequence.
The striking appearance of the discrete freedom sequence leaves us, for example,
with the chance to anticipate possible recurrent situations. Will democracy
last? Will the American democratic system turn into an empire? The ominous
resemblance to the case, Solon to Alexander, of Athens whose experiment in democracy devolves
to empire should give us pause. We should renounce Spenglerian pseudo-analysis,
grasp the difference between cyclical recurrence and progressive cyclicity and
see that our task is not repetition, but breaking out of cycles to do the job
right, this time!
Let us note at least that we have displaced arguments about
historical inevitability from our analysis, and have designed our model to leave
the future free from hard predictions. The appearance of a figure such as
Spengler is significant, since we can see that his predictions are bogus, yet
might just show themselves right in practice for the wrong reason. There is
nothing inevitable about a decline of the West, but since our eonic system is
not about the ‘West’ but the modern transition generating a global oikoumene, a
shift in the center of gravity might well occur.
Implicit in the whole discussion of the eonic effect is the
portrait of the process of globalization via localization and this leaves the
question of modernity and Eurocentrism stranded in stark contradiction. In
principle our model has resolved this issue but in practice we see the immense
tension that occurs in the sudden reversal from localization toward
globalization. Let us note that the emergence of the American democratic
experiment was a revolt against colonialism.
|
|