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We have seen the basic pattern of the eonic effect. Now we
need to construct an outline of world history to highlight in more detail the
dynamic we have found, and to connect with the issue of causality and freedom,
in a model of the evolution of freedom. And this we will find anticipated in the
works of Kant. We might first consider Fisher’s lament, about the randomness
of world history. We have found that our data falsifies this claim of
randomness. We can look beyond Fisher’s lament to a classic essay by Kant, one
with a subtle contradiction: on the one hand it posits a theory of social
conflict, an ancestor to Darwinian thinking, and on the other proposes an
‘idea for the evolution of freedom’, and asks historians of the future to
help him find it.
If we enquire into ‘what runs history’, into the
possibility of any pattern, structure or law, we are left to examine the rush of
statistics and wonder if it is sufficient to account for the chronicles of kings
and commoners, the flowering of civilizations, and the evolution of religious
forms. We are entering the forbidden zone, large-scale historical patterns, and
have to deal with a considerable dialectic. Thus, the historian H. A. L. Fisher,
in one of the most quoted statements of modern historiography insists that there
is no meaningful structure to be found in the random
ness of historical process:
Men wiser and more learned than I have
discerned in history a plot, a rhythm, a predetermined pattern. These harmonies
are concealed from me. I can see only one emergency following upon another as
wave follows upon wave, only one great fact with respect to which, since it is
unique, there can be no generalizations; only one safe rule for the historian:
that he should recognize in the development of human destinies the play of the
contingent and the unforeseen.[i]
Increased perspective in the rising tide of historical data
forces us to consider the counter-evidence to Fisher’s Lament
. Undoubtedly the influence of Darwinism is at work in Fisher’s despairing
rejection of any ‘idea of a universal history’. The exclamations from the
‘iron cage’ of scientism in the wake of the seeming triumph of universal
causal science seem to conclude the matter. But the triumph would seem
premature, and the reign of Darwinian assumptions short-lived. History remains
to be discovered. We live in a unique period of history, one in which the record
of archaeology has begun to speak. Foreshortened perspectives of the historical
have proven misleading.
Even as Fisher wrote, the record of civilization was
crossing a minimum threshold of five thousand years to show a pattern of the
type Fisher could not find emerging in fixer. We find an answer to the issue of
historical rhythm, answers, but what was the question? Confusion over the nature
of historiography and historical theory makes the idea of a science of history
or interpretation in terms of ‘historical laws’ uncertain.[ii]
Fisher’s lament, with a tragic flourish, was perhaps a
pessimistic or proto-postmodernist reaction to the horrors of the First World War, and the shock this created
in the hopes of so many in automatic progress
. His evocative statement was made in the wake of nineteenth century ideas of
unlimited progress, and earlier ideas of universal history and is an indirect
expression of the view that there is no discoverable historical pattern or
direction. Beside it lie the many attempts to challenge the great philosophies
of history that arose in the Enlightenment passing into the phase of German
Idealism, then followed by efforts to approach its study scientifically, or the
reaction to philosophies of history in the various forms of historicism
, beginning with Herder. The current postmodern critique, the ‘incredulity’
toward metanarratives, joins the list of the skeptical judgments.
Fisher’s lament bundles together four, or more, quite
separate concepts, that of rhythm, plot, pattern, and predetermination that do
not necessarily stand or fall together. That historical patterned emergence can
also be a series of chaotic ‘emergencies’, such as the French Revolution
, is still another crisscross of meaning. A rhythm need have no plot, and a
dramatic improvisation might show little or no predetermination, and yet operate
under the constraint of a conditioned future.
The hold of Fisher’s lament on many quotation-mongers and
historical handwringers, as the magic sword to slay the dragon of macrohistory,
is also a testimony to the difficulties of the project of Universal History, and its cousin, the attempt to find laws of history. Although the trend of
current historical thinking, in the afterglow of the ‘positive challenges’
of positivism, is against the perception of meaningful historical structure, the
plain fact is that the rise of the philosophy of history is a foundational
moment for secularism and the understanding of modernity. If anything the rise
Darwinian scientism is regressive.
The clue to the whole question lies in a simple question
and a paradox that it creates: Is there a science of history? This forces the
simplest dilemma: if there is such a science, there can be no freedom. We might
seek the resolution by asking if there is some ‘causality’ of freedom that
should accompany its appearance. If so we must find some evidence of its
evolution. The study of history theoretically has proven intractable but world
history must somewhere show at least some hint of resolving this field of
contradictions. In fact, as we examine world history once again with this in
mind, we suddenly discover that theoretical derivation matches the empirical
record. This question was the object of Karl Popper’s strictures on what he
called ‘historicism’, and Isaiah
Berlin
’s discourse on ‘historical inevitability’. But the original version of
this thinking appears in the philosopher Kant, who proposes it as the gateway to
the philosophy of history.
One of the deepest currents of modern thought, beside the
rise of theories of evolution, lies in the heritage of the philosophy of
history, whose existence is justified by default in the failure to find a
‘science of history’. No use complaining that science has replaced philosophy or that
Darwin
explains everything. Our simple model with its eonic mainline and discrete
freedom sequence stages a lightweight transition through this terrain. Strictly
speaking our model based on a stream and sequence contrast, but then in this
chapter has annexed the ideas of ‘causality and freedom’ as an adjunct,
which requires explanation in the imperfect match. It is also empirical and
can’t be used for complex secondary deductions, but we can manage a few
hunches with our historical black box, and the embedded freedom sequence tweaks
the issues very directly.
We have found a solution to the paradox of causal
determinism and the emergence of freedom in history: we see a macro oscillator
shifting gears in its dialectic of ‘degrees of freedom’. Beautiful. Our
analysis blends in with a classic theme of the philosophy of history seen in the
Dialectic of the Critique of Pure Reason,
with its discussion of the various antinomies of reason, the so-called Third
Antinomy being the key to our historical logic.
This legacy of philosophic history, like a stream flowing
into a greater current, yet with deep roots in antiquity, casts an ambiguous
glance at the sacred lore from which it is spawned, yet accompanies the secular
music as a leitmotiv of modernism, despite an ambiguous status on the boundary
of metaphysics. Challenged in the mood of science, yet still unchallenged by any
science of history, it endures in parallel to the claims against philosophy made
by the tide of empirical research. Rising in tandem with all things modern and
the pandemonium of a new era of world history, its antiquated reputation is
belied by its persistent echo in the mind of the historian, and its eternal
smile as the masthead to all ideas of evolution.
The onset of positivism is itself graced with the
metaphysical historicism of epochs codified in the philosopher of history,
Comte. But if Comte is just such a philosopher of history and all his epigones
are shipwrecked trying to do a science of history in the age of Positivism, we
should backtrack to the source of the stream to see where we went wrong.
Scientists tend to be unconscious Comtean historicists, and assume the epochal
scientific revolution will overtake history. The future is unknown, but if that
means that unrestricted Newtonianism as total causal explanation will suffice,
failure is likely, as we can see already. The Darwin
debate shows the train wreck coming. The work of Kant produced a means to
mediate this problem, without derailing into anti-science. It is no accident our
‘system-agent’ two-level discourse has a family resemblance to the Kantian
rubric.
As we move to examine theories of evolution we find the
philosophy of history’s seemingly outdated, almost archaic, charm resurfacing
as a renewed challenge, and an obstacle to their completion. If a theory of
evolution moves to enlarge its domain to include the whole, then it is forced to
reckon with the self-reference of the thinker pondering his own evolution. No
other grounds are required for the persistence of this mode. The idea of
evolution is a feckless giant, and we should propose, in a gesture more than
humor, a comeback of philosophical history, a nimble rascal, to leap and ride
piggyback, wishing to direct traffic, to the consternation of proponents of
post-philosophical science. Indeed, we should notice at once that the philosophy
of history is itself a part of our universal evolution, as is the idea of
evolution, that is, the evolution of the idea of evolution.
Displaced in the rise of the positive sciences by the idea
of evolution
, the philosophy of history becomes one of its first passengers. For the
philosophy of history is the history of philosophy, and this shows the signature
of its own (eonic
) evolution. We can offer no real differentiation, then, of the two subjects, or
any decisive means of marking the transition between boundaries of rival
disciplines. If Darwinism is free of metaphysics, then let it be science. But we
have seen that it fails three times, in the classic antinomies given from
Kantian Dialectic.
The philosophy of history is born, reborn, at the dawn of
modernity as a fellow traveler, becoming visible as early as the sixteenth
century and finds its classic realization in the writings of the philosopher
Immanuel Kant, in his essay Idea For A
Universal History
from
a Cosmopolitan Point of View:
Whatever concept one may hold, from a
metaphysical point of view, concerning the freedom of the will, certainly its
appearances, which are human actions, like every other natural event, are
determined by universal laws. However obscure their causes, history, which is
concerned with narrating these appearances, permits us to hope that if we attend
to the play of freedom of the human will in the large, we may be able to discern
a regular movement in it, and that what seems complex and chaotic in the single
individual may be seen from the standpoint of the human race as a whole to be a
steady and progressive though slow evolution
of its original endowment.[iii]
This hope is confirmed by the pattern we can exhibit, and
we can easily claim the eonic effect a resolution of Kant’s Challenge, in the
process exposing a difficulty in Kant’s own analysis. We could derive the
eonic effect from this paragraph. The inherent contradiction in this paragraph
does indeed generate its own historical dynamic. And the eonic effect answers at
once to the question asked. Kant’s essay is constructed around a classic
ambiguity on the one hand it seems to propose a solution to his own question in
terms of the idea of ‘asocial sociability’, and at the same time throw the
question into the future, for an historian with greater perspective to discover
an aim of nature in the chaos of historical happenstance. Beside this projection
into the future of this wish to discover ‘nature’s secret plan’, Kant also
relates the issue to the idea of progress toward a ‘perfect civil
constitution’. Kant’s essay seems almost perfectly tuned to the eonic
effect, without realizing it, for our discovery of ‘historical evolution’,
as we will see, throws light directly on both of these issues, exhibiting the
reality of ‘nature’s secret plan’ behind the emergence of civilization and
more specifically the directionality in the development of civil government. As
we proceed we will see the remarkable way that the eonic sequence demonstrates a
law of progress, and of the concealed teleology behind the evolution of culture
in world history. And the particular pattern of political development inside
this progression will exhibit the way in which emergent democracy is bound up in
the eonic effect itself.
As we examine world history the data emerges clearly to
resolve Kant’s Challenge in unexpected fashion. We have the framework to
proceed with an outline of history as the ‘evolution of freedom’, starting
in the next chapter. The great irony here is that we will see Kant caught up
most beguilingly in the very turning point that constitutes one aspect of his
problem’s solution. The answer needs just a bit more time and perspective. It
is a beautiful prophecy and proof of the power of his system of critiques.
Kant’s essay, as a ‘minor’ work, is actually one of
the most influential of modern history, for it enters on cat’s paws into the
whole struggle of modern philosophy of history and ideology. It seems to
foretell the next two critiques, and is a deceptive work in the sense of giving
consideration to what Kant calls ‘asocial sociability’, but is really
pursuing a different issue, in the process asking a question. Many have answers
to questions of history, Kant, with a curious brilliance, had the presence of
mind to but ask, and leave some answer to the future, for he must have sensed
that he was given inadequate data. The essay arises just after the first
critique, and yet seems to foretell the next two.
Asocial
Sociability Kant’s thinking
is ambiguous, and this contradiction is perfectly apt for perspective on
history. On the one hand he proposes an answer to his implicit question, or
challenge. And yet on the other he throws the question into the future. His
‘solution’ is the idea of asocial sociability, which is conveniently one of
the root ideas of social conflict that, next to Adam Smith’s economism, moves
to influence Darwinism. The irony here is that as we answer Kant’s Challenge
we resolve the root idea of conflict histories that beset the denizens of flat
history. Kant’s instincts are sound, he senses his solution requires a larger
framework of data to be resolved. He is right.
The unsuspected significance of this work shows us
something very elegant about our understanding of history, if we can manage the
dangers of historical directionality, and its teleological implications, which
we can successfully evade with our ‘discrete-continuous’ model. Kant created
a critical system, yet was so curiously wry as to propose not a Critique of
Historical Reason, the curious lot of his successor Dilthey (Karl Popper’s
The Poverty of Historicism being one attempt at this book), but an Idea
for a Universal History. We shall have to hope the first book, still
unwritten, appears in the attempt at the second.[iv]
Our treatment of Kant’s Challenge
will emerge over the course of the
text, but at the same time let us note that we have already resolved the
question, in essence, almost without trying. We can say that the eonic pattern
satisfies, to a fuzzy first approximation of the Universal Historian, a
different but related question to that which Kant posed, as we see in broadest
scope that the solution is within the range of the cycl
ical driver of an evolutionary emergentism. Note Kant’s wording. It is very
similar to our distinction of historical determination
and free action, macro and micro.
Within two centuries the necessary data is emerging for the
first time to resolve Kant’s Challenge in unexpected fashion. Further, our
brief look at modernity, the evolution of democracy, in terms of the eonic
sequence, shows us something spectacular. We should not that, strangely, we have
found the first paragraph of Kant’s essay entirely to the point, the
consideration of ‘asocial sociability’ somewhat beside the point.
Kant’s
Essay and Conflict Theories Kant’s essay is beguilingly useful because it
is really a debate with itself: it proposes a conflict theory in classic form,
asocial sociability, then also proposes an abstract resolution of that with a
question about a teleological resolution of conflict theories. Kant is asking
the future for the data to transcend his conflict theory and, remarkably, the
eonic effect provides just that. We will confine our use of Kant to the first
paragraph of his essay.
Nature’s
Secret Plan Kant’s famous essay also challenges us to uncover
‘nature’s secret plan’, and the eonic effect powerfully shows that plan in
action. This language is suggestive of design thinking, and we should be wary of
the sense of ‘agency’ that we ascribe to ‘nature’. However, in practice
the point is clear, and we can suddenly catch a glimpse of what can only be
called a hidden design to historical evolution.
Progress
Toward a Civil Constitution Another aspect of Kant’s Challenge is to
document the ‘progress toward a civil constitution’, and the eonic effect
powerfully shows a strong correlation with just this, and we have just suggested
that democracy itself is bound up in the eonic sequence, as it seems to generate
the first beginnings of democracy in both the Axial Age and in modernity (which
makes us suspicious that the earliest stage of civilization shows an earlier
phase of its emergence).
This idea flows into the vacuum of archaeological data,
data now showing us that Kant’s original idea is the right one. The great
irony here is that we see Kant caught up most beguilingly in the very turning
point that constitutes one aspect of his problem’s solution. The answer needs
just a bit more time and perspective. It is a beautiful prophecy and proof of
the power of his system of critiques.
Kant’s essay, as a ‘minor’ work, is actually one of
the most influential of modern history, for it enters on cat’s paws into the
whole struggle of modern philosophy of history and ideology. It seems to
foretell the next two critiques, and is a deceptive work in the sense of giving
consideration to what Kant calls ‘asocial sociability’, but is really
pursuing a different issue, in the process asking a question. Many have answers
to questions of history, Kant, with a curious brilliance, had the presence of
mind to but ask, and leave some answer to the future, for he must have sensed
that he was given inadequate data. The essay arises just after the first
critique, and yet seems to foretell the next two.
The unsuspected significance of this work shows us
something very elegant about our understanding of history, if we can manage the
dangers of historical directionality, and its teleological implications, which
we can successfully evade with our ‘discrete-continuous’ model. Kant created
a critical system, yet was so curiously wry as to propose not a Critique of
Historical Reason, the curious lot of his successor Dilthey (Karl Popper’s
The Poverty of Historicism being one attempt at this book), but an Idea
for a Universal History. We shall have to hope the first book, still
unwritten, appears in the attempt at the second.
Our treatment of Kant’s Challenge
will emerge over the course of the
text, but at the same time let us note that we have already resolved the
question, in essence, almost without trying. We can say that the eonic pattern
satisfies, to a fuzzy first approximation of the Universal Historian, a
different but related question to that which Kant posed, as we see in broadest
scope that the solution is within the range of the cyclical driver of an evolutionary emergentism. Note Kant’s wording. It is very
similar to our distinction of historical determination
and free action, macro and micro.
We can easily resolve the question of directionality, but
not fully that of teleology. Directionality, seen in the evidence of past times,
expresses the phenomenal representation of some inferred teleological process,
whose outcome, or telos, however, is beyond observation, and in any case a
timeless unknown with its foot in the future. Of this we can know nothing as our
eonic system is seen, looking backwards, to have proceeded toward the present in
the recursive approximations we see in the eonic sequence. And we isolated one
theme of that progression as an ‘evolution of freedom’, as an empirical
study, without committing ourselves to any generalization beyond our present.
Our approach is indirect, and the reason is the danger of premature teleological
metaphysics, which ends in limbo if we give it an answer without an ending,
which requires some statement about the future and/or the eonic sequence. But
that very caution is implied by Kant’s essay.
A
Noumenal Mystery Our eonic model almost automatically produces a structure
isomorphic to Kant’s distinction of noumenon and phenomenon, and it does so
deftly using different concepts and without any of the complications that haunt
the original. Isomorphic, but in a different context, large-scale history. Since
this was serendipitous, and unasked for, we are left to wonder what this means.
The problem is that history is all of a piece, phenomenon, including our eonic
sequence. And yet this sequence stages the hard evidence of the ‘uncaused
freedom emergence factor’ inside a temporal oscillation. The long lost
mediating factor between the phenomenon and the noumenon suddenly appears, where
least expected, in history itself. We must suspect that the ‘teleological’
aspect is beyond the limits of our representations, noumenal, as all that we see
is phenomenon, directionality, a stupendous oscillation in the degrees of
freedom of the system execution.
That the dynamic behind eonic evolution should stand veiled
in the noumenal is a severe caution against the reification of our empirical
framework into ‘theory’. Our answer therefore will be about directionality
as evidence of possible teleology. Directionality means that successive transitions show ‘connected
sequence’, still far short of declaring teleology, since we are not at the end
of time, or out of time. It is a reasonable operational assumption to conclude
nature shows teleological processes as long we don’t presume to project this
thinking on the unknown, and reckon the ‘snafu of present action’ seen in
the Oedipus Paradox. With this caveat, we should accept our own version of
Kant’s challenge. Our study is of a phenomenon we will call the eonic
effect
, a temporal subset, due to the nature of the evidence, or lack of it, of a
pattern of universal history.
The pattern of the eonic effect is not a philosophic
solution to a problem, but an archaeological finding, partial in the sense that
a shard of some lost whole is discovered empirically. Our pattern for all
intents and purposes answers the quest initiated by Kant, seen in the subtle
wording of his remarkable formulation, itself
correlated with the pattern, that we should attend to the play of freedom of the human will in the large, to discern
a regular movement in it.
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